Mexico gained independence in 1821 and over the following decades the Liberal state began to legislate on moral codes of conduct in ways that gave men power and control over women. As an example, adultery was punishable with one or two years in prison but harsher sentences were given to women than men.
At the same time agrarian policy saw the privatisation of land and the introduction of patriarchal inheritance laws. These legal transformations contributed to the masculinisation of public spaces and feminisation of private and domestic spheres, reflecting modern and European lifestyles.
This gendering of spaces was hierarchical with men’s public roles endowed with a higher status than domestic roles that were attributed to women. In contrast, as the growing of maize and female fertility were both highly venerated, it is likely that in pre-colonial societies the tasks of food preparation and child rearing were parallel in status to the public and political roles of men.
Chapter VI Adultery.
Article 816, Adultery will be punished with the following penalties:
1. With two years in prison and a second-class fine that which is committed by a married woman and a free man, and that which is committed in the conjugal home by a married man and free woman.
2. With one year in prison that which is committed outside the conjugal home by a married man and free woman.
3. With two years in prison that committed by a married woman and a married man, but this last will only be one year in prison if the adultery is committed outside the conjugal home and he did not know that the woman was married.
View text of images
In continuity with colonial efforts to scientifically differentiate and rank human races, travellers to Indigenous regions of Mexico photographed, measured and weighed women and men. Civilising missions to Wixárika communities continued and towards the end of the 19th Century the first schools were established, although very few girls attended. In alignment with national legislation, girls were taught by women and boys by men, with curriculums reflecting the different gender expectations of the time.
Chronology of Travellers’ Chronicles
Through images and ethnographies of 19th and early 20th Century we see the male gaze of the era describing the clothing, bodies and customs of people considered savage and uncivilised.
Clothing
Female Authority
Use of bow and arrow
Salt trade
Use of bow and arrow
Marriage
Clothing
Childbirth
Intimate partnerships
Female role in household
Courtship
Local Authorities
Huichol Authorities (functions)
Settlements
Gendered organisation of work
Childbirth
Christening (by gender)
Marriage
Sexuality
Religion
Fiestas
Illnesses
Relationships with parishioners
Education
Intimate partnerships
Mothers and newborns
Men’s responsibilities
Masculine and Feminine in Mythology
Wixárika women and gender in the late 19th Century
‘As a rule, hearts are easily won, and easily lost . A husband, in his rage, may even beat his wife, or she, on discovering that her spouse has been led astray, may be so offended as to leave him. On the whole the women are more faithful than the men. The sexes as dependent on each other in more ways than one; for one provides, the other prepares the food.’
Carl Lumholtz in Unknown Mexico
Wixárika women and gender in the late 19th Century
‘As a rule, hearts are easily won, and easily lost . A husband, in his rage, may even beat his wife, or she, on discovering that her spouse has been led astray, may be so offended as to leave him. On the whole the women are more faithful than the men. The sexes as dependent on each other in more ways than one; for one provides, the other prepares the food.’
Carl Lumholtz in Unknown Mexico
'Nowhere as much as here, do hunger and love keep the world a-going …the fair sex is much more appreciated; and this being so, the women as a rule are able to decide their own fates. Their position in the family is high'
Unknown Mexico, Carl Lumholtz
‘The Huichols, in general they use as a dress a cloth called 'jolote' with an opening for the head; it reaches about half way down their thigh and they tie it with a wide belt. From this band they tie a multitude of sacks of different size, all woven. On their backs, tied at the front, they carry a large basket lined with deer skin and filled with arrows; on their arm a bow of brazil and on their head a hat with a small, narrow cup that they tie with a ribbon’
Rosendo Corona (1899) in Santoscoy
'Indigenous people from the Huichol tribe that come to this city must wear trousers'
JALISCO STATE
Following the trend for enshrining moral ideas in law, in 1888 the city of Colotlán, in the foothills of the Wixárika highlands, decreed that all male visitors to the city were required to wear trousers. Huichols were specifically required to wear calzones (pants/breeches) as seen in the 1895 gallery image of a couple and child on horseback.
1º Desde el primero de abril próximo en adelante todos los habitantes varones del municipio y extraños que lleguen a esta población usarán pantalones conforme a sus circunstancias pecuniarias. 2º Los indígenas de las tribus huicholes que vengan a comerciar a esta ciudad se les obligará a usar calzones. 3ª A los infractores de las disposiciones anteriores se les aplicará una multa de cien centavos, que hará efectiva la autoridad política y quedará en arresto el infractor hasta que adquiera el pantalón que dio origen a la multa.
© Archivo Histórico del estado de Jalisco, G-9-888 C34-E4
‘They wear their hair long, tied at the front with a ribbon in a single plait. On their neck some wear wide strings of beads and some wear earrings of the same. On their feet they wear strongly tied sandals. In the winter they wear blankets, almost always white with blue or black ties. The women don’t wear sandals or a hat, nor bow nor bags; they wear a short petticoat of coarse cloth (manta) that reaches below the knee, and the jolote; most wear bead earrings and bracelets; the last of these they use on their ankles.’
Rosendo Corona in Santoscoy, 1899
The Mexican nation is sovereign and free from the Spanish Government (1824 Constitution)
Throughout the 19th Century the Mexican state attempted to create a new mestizo and Spanish speaking citizen. It was hoped that secular education and the extensive use of Spanish would eliminate racial and cultural differences.
While the Spanish Crown had recognised the need to grant Indigenous people property rights and access to justice as a means of retaining control over local power structures, the newly independent state had a different set of objectives. Agriculture, the economic motor of the country, required small landowners and productive citizens. Indigenous communities should divide their land and produce individually as private owners.
With the new constitution of 1824 Indigenous people lost their colonial status as ‘indians’, and the accompanying set of protections, including access to the General Indian Court, that had been established in 1592. After independence there was no legal differentiation between Indigenous and European people, making them more vulnerable to land and labour exploitation by the political and economic elites.
Elizabeth Dore describes how this happened:
‘With the rise of private property in land, parents’ legal obligation upon their death to divide property equally among their legitimate children, or mandatory partible inheritance, was abolished in Mexico… With new laws promoting privatization of land, which transformed property relations in all social strata, including the peasantry, the elimination of the guarantee that women receive an equal portion of their parents’ estate, no matter how grand or humble it might be, worked to undermine women’s economic security’
Elizabeth Dore, ‘One step forward, two steps back. Gender and the state in the long 19th Century’ in Elizabeth Dore and Maxine Molyneux Hidden Histories of Gender and the State in Latin America, 2000
We are citizens. Land privatisation and invasion.
"For example, they told me 'put yourself in the hands of the ancestors. If you haven’t committed adultery and you have confessed, you are well to have children, the birth will go without problem, and well I always left my life in the hands of ancestors without knowing if I was going to do well. ... That's why I abandoned him [my husband], he always messes with other women, then he brought another woman home, then another. Not anymore! Because of his infidelity, several of my children died” (Rosa, 2021).
Inequality grew in the United States of Mexico during the 19th Century and land invasions were frequent but these were not received passively in Wixárika territory, and the fight for their lands remained a consistent theme.
"For example, they told me 'put yourself in the hands of the ancestors. If you haven’t committed adultery and you have confessed, you are well to have children, the birth will go without problem, and well I always left my life in the hands of ancestors without knowing if I was going to do well. ... That's why I abandoned him [my husband], he always messes with other women, then he brought another woman home, then another. Not anymore! Because of his infidelity, several of my children died” (Rosa, 2021).
As is noted in this 1910 demand to the City Council of Colotlán, the Indigenous people of Santa Catarina demanded to know whether the Mayor had sold Peña Colorada, a piece of their territory, to a certain Don Manuel Soto, a local landowner. The Indigenous leaders of Wixárika communities were drawn into Mestizo politics to defend their territory in continuity with the man-to-man negotiations that began under colonialism.
Liberal Education
"For example, they told me 'put yourself in the hands of the ancestors. If you haven’t committed adultery and you have confessed, you are well to have children, the birth will go without problem, and well I always left my life in the hands of ancestors without knowing if I was going to do well. ... That's why I abandoned him [my husband], he always messes with other women, then he brought another woman home, then another. Not anymore! Because of his infidelity, several of my children died” (Rosa, 2021).
The first schools were established in Wixárika territory in the late 19th Century, although Mestizo teachers describe very little willingness to study and ‘no signs of civilising’. The racialising language used in these early educators’ reports are indicative of the caste system established by colonialism but also of the resistance by Wixaritari to modern forms of social organisation that the education systems intended to bring.
Liberal Education
"For example, they told me 'put yourself in the hands of the ancestors. If you haven’t committed adultery and you have confessed, you are well to have children, the birth will go without problem, and well I always left my life in the hands of ancestors without knowing if I was going to do well. ... That's why I abandoned him [my husband], he always messes with other women, then he brought another woman home, then another. Not anymore! Because of his infidelity, several of my children died” (Rosa, 2021).
The first schools were established in Wixárika territory in the late 19th Century, although Mestizo teachers describe very little willingness to study and ‘no signs of civilising’. The racialising language used in these early educators’ reports are indicative of the caste system established by colonialism but also of the resistance by Wixaritari to modern forms of social organisation that the education systems intended to bring.
‘Unfortunately there is a great inclination in these Indians to preserve their habits, to the extent that they return to them immediately upon return to their tribes, all those who have received education in some establishments. Thus it was for two who were educated in Zacatecas by Mr. Guerra, Bishop of that diocese, as soon as they returned [they] abandoned their costumes and returned to their old ones.
The young women who were educated at the expense of the Government of this State in the Hospice and who were sent to that canton last year in order to help propagate the teaching, have entirely refused to impart their knowledge and have abandoned the customs they acquired here.
Although the Huichols are by character docile and even timid, they are enemies of the schools that have been ordered to be established, having given the case that they have assaulted the one that was established in San Andrés last November that sent the books that I had consigned them by agreement of the Board of Studies that I am honored to preside. For this reason, together with the depopulated nature of that territory, of the budgeted schools that are six, two in San Andrés Cohamiata, two in San Sebastián and two in Santa Catarina, only one for boys, which 14 children have attended, was open in the last of these towns in the school year that expired in June. For this it has been necessary that the director of the school who is of the same race establish a boarding school that without elements has not been able to improve the condition of the establishment since the 14 students live in the same misery in which their families are accustomed, they escape frequently and do not show signs of civilization.’
This exhibition, supported by the Santo Domingo Centre of Excellence for Latin American Research (SDCELAR) at the British Museum, showcases the findings from Gender, health and the Afterlife of Colonialism: engaging new problematisations to improve maternal and Infant Survival, a Wellcome Trust Funded research project (Project number 215001/Z/18/Z).
We have used archive searches, revision of bibliographical material and interviews as part of the Tuapurie Oral History Project to understand how gender has changed through contact between the colonial State and later independent Mexican Republic and Wixárika indigenous communities.
University College London (UCL), Institute for Global Health
CIESAS Occidente (the Centre for Research and Studies in Social Anthropology)
Conservación Humana AC (CHAC)
And members of the The Wixárika Community of Tuapurie, Mezquitic, Jalisco.
Project Director
Dr. Jennie Gamlin,
Associate Professor, Medical Anthropology and Global Health, UCL Institute for Global Health.
view profile
j.gamlin@ucl.ac.uk
Exhibition Curator
Humberto Fernández Borja,
Conservación Humana A.C.
http://www.chac.org.mx
Archive Research team director
Dr. María Teresa Fernández Aceves
view profile
Archive Research team leader
Dr. Paulina Ultreras Villagrana
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Archival Research
Ileana Cristina Gómez Ortega
Tania Fernanda Aguilar Silva
Frine Castillo Badillo
Field work director
Totupica Candelario Robles
Field work assistant
Claudia de la Torre Carrillo
Animation
Susie Vickery
http://www.susievickery.com/
Curatorial, image research and production assistants
Ana Laura Mejía Ruiz Esparza
Daniela Guraieb Elizalde
Lorena Silva Lordméndez
Daniela Altamirano Visoso
Anaïs Oropeza Jochum
Maika Vera Martínez
Contact:
Jennie Gamlin: j.gamlin@ucl.ac.uk
Institute for Global Health,
30 Guilford St., London, WC1N 1EH.
Funding:
We would like to thank The Wellcome Trust for funding this project as part of a Research Enrichment-Public Engagement award.
Digital exhibition
This exhibition was made possible thanks to the Santo Domingo Centre of Excellence for Latin American Research (SDCELAR) at the British Museum and the generosity of Alejandro & Charlotte Santo Domingo, and Mrs Julio Mario Santo Domingo with Andrés & Lauren Santo Domingo.
Digital Curator
Magdalena Araus Sieber
SDCELAR, British Museum
maraussieber@britishmuseum.org
Developers
Lilo Web Design
view website
Image credits
We would like to thank the following organisations and individuals for gifting materials and copies of materials that have been used in this exhibition:
Ivan Alechine
American Museum of Natural History Library for gifting prints from the Carl Lumholtz Collection to the CHAC Archive
Archivo General de Indias
[General Archive of the Indies]
Archivo Histórico de Jalisco
[Historical Archive of Jalisco]
Biblioteca Pública del Estado de Jalisco “Juan José Arreola” de la Universidad de Guadalajara
[Public Library of the State of Jalisco “Juan José Arreola” at the University of Guadalajara]
Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
CHAC Archive: Conservación Humana AC
Catholic Church Records, 1590-1979, Mezquitic, Jalisco, Mexico
[Registros Parroquiales, Mezquitic, Jalisco]
Fundación Cultural Armella Spitalier
Museo Zacatecano – Instituto Zacatecano de Cultura Ramón López Velarde
Publications related to women’s and maternal health with Wixárika communities by the author of this exhibition
Gamlin, Jennie B. (2013)
Shame as a barrier to health seeking among indigenous Huichol migrant labourers: An interpretive approach of the “violence continuum” and “authoritative knowledge”
Social Science and Medicine 97 75-81
Gamlin, Jennie B. (2023)
Wixárika Practices of Medical Syncretism: An Ontological Proposal for Health in the Anthropocene
Medical Anthropology Theory 10 (2) 1-26
Gamlin, Jennie B. (2020)
“You see, we women, we can’t talk, we can’t have an opinion…”. The coloniality of gender and childbirth practices in Indigenous Wixárika families
Social Science and Medicine 252, 112912
Jennie Gamlin and David Osrin (2020)
Preventable infant deaths, lone births and lack of registration in Mexican indigenous communities: health care services and the afterlife of colonialism
Ethnicity and Health 25 (7)
Jennie Gamlin and Seth Holmes (2018)
Preventable perinatal deaths in indigenous Wixárika communities: an ethnographic study of pregnancy, childbirth and structural violence BMC
Pregnancy and Childbirth 18 (Article number 243) 2018
Gamlin, Jennie B. and Sarah J Hawkes (2015)
Pregnancy and birth in an Indigenous Huichol community: from structural violence to structural policy responses
Culture, health and sexuality 17 (1)