The Mesoamerican society that we know today as the Huichol or Wixárika, is an Indigenous group of approximately 48,000 inhabiting the southern Sierra Madre Occidental, in North-Western Mexico.
Wixárika is one of 69 Mexican Indigenous languages. It belongs to the large Uto-Aztecan linguistic family, sharing cultural and lifestyle characteristics with Indigenous peoples of central and northern Mexico, and the US Southwest.
The Wixaritari’s outstanding heritage is sustained by their collective dedication to complying with ancestral traditions. These revolve around maintaining good relations with their ancestors and deities who control nature, intimately linked to the agricultural cycle.
Wixaritari are primarily agriculturalists, where maize growing is central to a millenarian polyculture system called milpa, complemented with small-scale cattle herding, gathering of wild plants and hunting.
Their political organisation is complex, since traditional pre-Hispanic hierarchies are interwoven with colonial and modern agrarian structures, operating with a remarkable degree of autonomy from the state over internal matters.
Many Wixaritari live away to sell their art, or work as seasonal labourers, but most return to their homelands to grow maize and participate in ceremonies. In recent decades they have incorporated modern medicine, technology and education into their lives and many young folk return home to practice as lawyers, doctors or teachers.
Towards the first half of the 20th Century, the Mexican government recognised their three separate ‘agrarian communities’ (San Sebastián y Tuxpan/Wautɨa, Santa Catarina/Tuapurie and San Andrés/Tateikie) and several adjacent ejidos (communally owned land), between which there are small differences in dialect, ritual and dress.
The main Wixaritari settlements are dispersed across a territory of more than 400,000 hectares where the states of Jalisco, Nayarit, Zacatecas and Durango converge. The Sierra Madre has a complex topography of deep canyons, valleys, mountains and plateaus with spectacular altitudinal ranges (500 to 3,200 m) that favour the coexistence of a wide array of habitats and plant communities.
The female deity Tatei Niwétsika, Our Mother Maize intimately links the growing of maize with Wixárika origins and survival.
Since their beginnings female ancestors such a Tatei Niwétsika have held high ranks as the deities who gave origin to Wixárika people. Nowadays, in most ceremonies female ancestors are the first to be honoured and worshipped and continue to be of equal or higher status than their male counterparts.
Audio: Tatei Niwétsika myth narrated by Ximena Carillo
The cultural geography of the Wixaritari extends beyond their communal lands to sacred sites that are visited following ancestral pilgrimage routes along a 500 km West-East corridor, from the Pacific coast to the arid grasslands in the High Plateau.
Along the routes, deified ancestors including Tatei Haramara -Our Mother the Sea- who have their dwellings in natural sacred sites such as the ocean, rivers, springs, forests, hills or caves are venerated.
Wixárika territory before the conquest
"For example, they told me 'put yourself in the hands of the ancestors. If you haven’t committed adultery and you have confessed, you are well to have children, the birth will go without problem, and well I always left my life in the hands of ancestors without knowing if I was going to do well. ... That's why I abandoned him [my husband], he always messes with other women, then he brought another woman home, then another. Not anymore! Because of his infidelity, several of my children died” (Rosa, 2021).
There was a gendered division of tasks, but the role of women in food preparation and caring for small children probably held equal authority and value to the roles of men as hunters and flecheros (bowmen/warriors). Women were held in high regard for their reproductive capabilities, and this was celebrated in rituals. It is likely that although sexuality was far less rigid, the male-female dyad was important for ceremonial and religious purposes as well as reproduction.
"For example, they told me 'put yourself in the hands of the ancestors. If you haven’t committed adultery and you have confessed, you are well to have children, the birth will go without problem, and well I always left my life in the hands of ancestors without knowing if I was going to do well. ... That's why I abandoned him [my husband], he always messes with other women, then he brought another woman home, then another. Not anymore! Because of his infidelity, several of my children died” (Rosa, 2021).
Wixaritari may not have existed as a separate ethnic group before the conquest and probably formed their identity during early colonialism when separate groups, some of whom were semi-nomadic, settled together in what is now their territory.
"For example, they told me 'put yourself in the hands of the ancestors. If you haven’t committed adultery and you have confessed, you are well to have children, the birth will go without problem, and well I always left my life in the hands of ancestors without knowing if I was going to do well. ... That's why I abandoned him [my husband], he always messes with other women, then he brought another woman home, then another. Not anymore! Because of his infidelity, several of my children died” (Rosa, 2021).
There are few archaeological finds from this region, but evidence suggests patterns of gender were similar to those in Central Mexico: women and men held complementary roles that were relatively equal in status.
It is likely that women held a far more public role in the past than they do today. This piece shows five men seated with a woman in the centre. The men wear chinstraps, an element that in the Mesoamerican tradition is associated with Ball Game players. The woman wearing a large necklace made of beads and shells apparently gives instructions, suggesting that women may have played a leading role in the rituals of the Ball Game.
Earthenware sculptures from the shaft tombs of West Mexico are among the oldest representations of Wixaritari ancestors, dating back to two thousand years ago. Females and males were equally depicted by ancient artists, including details of their dress and jewellery, suggesting there was greater gender parity in complex societies.
Men and women both participate in rituals and celebrations and their role is usually as a dyad with the position of women elevated above that of men for their fertility. Archaeological evidence of women-only power-giving rituals for infants have been identified in Teotituacan, Central Mexico, suggesting women held unique and powerful roles in communications with their deified ancestors, regarding maternity and infancy.
Many aspects of food preparation have changed little for millennia. The Aztec city of Tenochititlan had shared kitchens to feed the City’s warriors and this role was considered as important as the fighting itself. It is likely that the idea that domestic roles and care giving were of lesser status is a European patriarchal construct that was not present in pre-invasion societies.
This exhibition, supported by the Santo Domingo Centre of Excellence for Latin American Research (SDCELAR) at the British Museum, showcases the findings from Gender, health and the Afterlife of Colonialism: engaging new problematisations to improve maternal and Infant Survival, a Wellcome Trust Funded research project (Project number 215001/Z/18/Z).
We have used archive searches, revision of bibliographical material and interviews as part of the Tuapurie Oral History Project to understand how gender has changed through contact between the colonial State and later independent Mexican Republic and Wixárika indigenous communities.
University College London (UCL), Institute for Global Health
CIESAS Occidente (the Centre for Research and Studies in Social Anthropology)
Conservación Humana AC (CHAC)
And members of the The Wixárika Community of Tuapurie, Mezquitic, Jalisco.
Project Director
Dr. Jennie Gamlin,
Associate Professor, Medical Anthropology and Global Health, UCL Institute for Global Health.
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j.gamlin@ucl.ac.uk
Exhibition Curator
Humberto Fernández Borja,
Conservación Humana A.C.
http://www.chac.org.mx
Archive Research team director
Dr. María Teresa Fernández Aceves
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Archive Research team leader
Dr. Paulina Ultreras Villagrana
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Archival Research
Ileana Cristina Gómez Ortega
Tania Fernanda Aguilar Silva
Frine Castillo Badillo
Field work director
Totupica Candelario Robles
Field work assistant
Claudia de la Torre Carrillo
Animation
Susie Vickery
http://www.susievickery.com/
Curatorial, image research and production assistants
Ana Laura Mejía Ruiz Esparza
Daniela Guraieb Elizalde
Lorena Silva Lordméndez
Daniela Altamirano Visoso
Anaïs Oropeza Jochum
Maika Vera Martínez
Contact:
Jennie Gamlin: j.gamlin@ucl.ac.uk
Institute for Global Health,
30 Guilford St., London, WC1N 1EH.
Funding:
We would like to thank The Wellcome Trust for funding this project as part of a Research Enrichment-Public Engagement award.
Digital exhibition
This exhibition was made possible thanks to the Santo Domingo Centre of Excellence for Latin American Research (SDCELAR) at the British Museum and the generosity of Alejandro & Charlotte Santo Domingo, and Mrs Julio Mario Santo Domingo with Andrés & Lauren Santo Domingo.
Digital Curator
Magdalena Araus Sieber
SDCELAR, British Museum
maraussieber@britishmuseum.org
Developers
Lilo Web Design
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Image credits
We would like to thank the following organisations and individuals for gifting materials and copies of materials that have been used in this exhibition:
Ivan Alechine
American Museum of Natural History Library for gifting prints from the Carl Lumholtz Collection to the CHAC Archive
Archivo General de Indias
[General Archive of the Indies]
Archivo Histórico de Jalisco
[Historical Archive of Jalisco]
Biblioteca Pública del Estado de Jalisco “Juan José Arreola” de la Universidad de Guadalajara
[Public Library of the State of Jalisco “Juan José Arreola” at the University of Guadalajara]
Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
CHAC Archive: Conservación Humana AC
Catholic Church Records, 1590-1979, Mezquitic, Jalisco, Mexico
[Registros Parroquiales, Mezquitic, Jalisco]
Fundación Cultural Armella Spitalier
Museo Zacatecano – Instituto Zacatecano de Cultura Ramón López Velarde
Publications related to women’s and maternal health with Wixárika communities by the author of this exhibition
Gamlin, Jennie B. (2013)
Shame as a barrier to health seeking among indigenous Huichol migrant labourers: An interpretive approach of the “violence continuum” and “authoritative knowledge”
Social Science and Medicine 97 75-81
Gamlin, Jennie B. (2023)
Wixárika Practices of Medical Syncretism: An Ontological Proposal for Health in the Anthropocene
Medical Anthropology Theory 10 (2) 1-26
Gamlin, Jennie B. (2020)
“You see, we women, we can’t talk, we can’t have an opinion…”. The coloniality of gender and childbirth practices in Indigenous Wixárika families
Social Science and Medicine 252, 112912
Jennie Gamlin and David Osrin (2020)
Preventable infant deaths, lone births and lack of registration in Mexican indigenous communities: health care services and the afterlife of colonialism
Ethnicity and Health 25 (7)
Jennie Gamlin and Seth Holmes (2018)
Preventable perinatal deaths in indigenous Wixárika communities: an ethnographic study of pregnancy, childbirth and structural violence BMC
Pregnancy and Childbirth 18 (Article number 243) 2018
Gamlin, Jennie B. and Sarah J Hawkes (2015)
Pregnancy and birth in an Indigenous Huichol community: from structural violence to structural policy responses
Culture, health and sexuality 17 (1)